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చంద్రగిరిలో అంతంతమాత్రమే

చిత్తూరు జిల్లాలో చంద్రగిరిలో బంద్ ప్రభావం కనిపించలేదు. పెట్రోల్ బంకులు,చిల్లర దుకాణాలు యథావిధిగా కార్యకలాపాలు కొనసాగుతున్నాయి.

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Published : Feb 1, 2019, 4:26 PM IST

Updated : Feb 1, 2019, 6:13 PM IST

CHANDRA GIRI

ప్రత్యేక హోదా సాధన సమితి, ఇతర ప్రజా సంఘాలు పిలుపునిచ్చిన రాష్ట్ర బంద్ ప్రభావం చంద్రగిరిలో అంతంతమాత్రమంగానే ఉంది. వాహన రాకపోకలకు, జన జీవనానికి ఎటువంటి ఆటంకాలు కలగలేదు. పెట్రోల్ బంకులు, దుకాణాలు యథావిధిగా కొనసాగుతున్నాయి.

ప్రత్యేక హోదా సాధన సమితి, ఇతర ప్రజా సంఘాలు పిలుపునిచ్చిన రాష్ట్ర బంద్ ప్రభావం చంద్రగిరిలో అంతంతమాత్రమంగానే ఉంది. వాహన రాకపోకలకు, జన జీవనానికి ఎటువంటి ఆటంకాలు కలగలేదు. పెట్రోల్ బంకులు, దుకాణాలు యథావిధిగా కొనసాగుతున్నాయి.

ఇక్కడ బంద్ ప్రభావం కనిపించలేదు

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RESTRICTION SUMMARY: NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL/PART NO ACCESS IRAN
SHOTLIST:
++ Associated Press is adhering to Iranian law that stipulates all media are banned from providing BBC Persian, VOA Persian, Manoto TV or Iran International any coverage from Iran, and under this law if any media violate this ban the Iranian authorities can immediately shut down that organisation in Tehran.++
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 19 January 2019
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1. Exterior of mausoleum of late Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, leader of 1979 Islamic Revolution and founder of Islamic Republic of Iran
2. Photo of Khomeini seen through metal structure surrounding his shrine
3. Khomeini's shrine seen through metal structure
4. Pilgrims walking toward Khomeini's shrine
IRIB - NO ACCESS IRAN/NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
ARCHIVE: Tehran - 1 February 1979
++4:3++
5. Khomeini on the plane back to Iran after 14 years in political exile
6. Khomeini's flight landing Tehran
7. Khomeini walking off the plane helped by airline steward
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 19 January 2019
++16:9++
8. Prayer book with photo of Khomeini on its cover held by pilgrim
9. Pilgrims seated on floor praying
10. SOUNDBITE (Farsi) Moahmmad Bagher Jalalinia, 52, retired bank employee and Khomeini supporter:
"Imam's (Khomeini) most outstanding trait was his battle against (global) arrogance and also reviving Islam and movements of its saints such as Imam Hussein. Anything a Muslim wants could be seen in Imam Khomeini and as a result they could revive Islam by following him."
11. Pilgrims seated in front of shrine
12. SOUNDBITE (Farsi) Iraj Khalilzadeh, 81, shoemaker and Khomeini supporter:
"To be honest, I followed him (Khomeini) for the sake of Islam. I was not seeking any special ambition or social status or money. I followed him because of Islam when Imam (Khomeini) said that Islam was in danger."
13. Women standing in front of shrine
14. Women praying next to shrine
15. Sign of Khomeini's giving a speech at Behesht-e Zahra cemetery near his shrine south of Tehran upon arrival in Iran after 15 years of exile on February 1, 1979, with his quote reading (Farsi) "Oh the oppressed of the world! Oh Muslim countries and Muslims of the world! Fight tooth and nail to retrieve your right!"
16. Wide of graves of those killed during the 1979 uprising
IRIB - NO ACCESS IRAN/NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
ARCHIVE: Tehran - 1979
++4:3++
17. Various of pro-Khomeini demonstration
18. US hostage being blindfolded and paraded outside the US embassy in Tehran
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 19 January 2019
++16:9++
19. SOUNDBITE (Farsi) Saeed Khaal, manager of Behesht-e Zahra cemetery compound:
"On February 1 of 1979, a big and historic incident took place here when the leader of Iran's Islamic Revolution, after 15 years of being away from his homeland in exile, came here as soon as his plane touched down in Iran. This cemetery is exceptional from the viewpoint that here became a tactical base for commanding the revolution from that time. Ten days from that day on February 11, the revolution triumphs."
20. Pan from graves to the spot when Khomeini gave his first speech when he arrived in Iran
21. Tilt-up of graves
22. Tombstones and graves of those killed in the Revolution
23. Pan of Behesht-e Zahra cemetery
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 22 January 2019
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24. Chair where Khomeini met his followers and made speeches after the 1979 Revolution at Jamaran mosque near his residence north of Tehran
25. Tilt-up from poster of Khomeini to his chair
26. Visitors inside the mosque
IRIB - NO ACCESS IRAN/NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
ARCHIVE: Tehran, Date unknown
++4:3++
27. Khomeini speaking to the troops
28. Troops cheering
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 22 January 2019
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29. SOUNDBITE (Farsi) Zahra Ilkaie, 23, Khomeini enthusiast:
"I wish I were alive and could meet Imam (Khomeini). I really feel wistful that I was not around to see him. I feel proud that we have had such a great person in Iran as the Revolution's leader."
30. Sandals and stool in Khomeini's private room
31. Visitors outside Khomeini's house, which has been turned into a museum
32. Khomeini's couch and picture of his son, Ahmad Khomeini, seen through window glass
33. Women visiting
34. Pan of visitors walking in line to visit Khomeini's house
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 29 January 2019
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35. SOUNDBITE (Farsi) Amir Mohebian, political analyst and head of a Tehran-based conservative think tank:
"(The formation of a political dynasty) was always an issue for Imam Khomeini and he was always careful not to let it happen. So he did not allow any of his children and anyone related to him to enter politics, not because the law forbids it but because of their connection with himself. This absence from politics continues to date."
36. Mohebian in his office
37. SOUNDBITE (Farsi) Amir Mohebian, political analyst and head of a Tehran-based conservative think tank:
"More important than that is the people's strong sensitivity toward this matter (political dynasties). They are very sensitive. People today complain about state positions that are taken by the children of officials. Oligarchy and the phenomenon of "New Class" are very bad things that have happened in other revolutions too. Today we are witnessing that the same thing is somehow happening to Iran which must be prevented by all means or else, the people will lose their trust in the system and meritocracy will vanish in the society."
38. Mohebian in office during interview
ASSOCIATED PRESS - NO ACCESS BBC PERSIAN/NO ACCESS VOA PERSIAN/NO ACCESS MANOTO TV/NO ACCESS IRAN INTERNATIONAL
Tehran - 19 January 2019
++16:9++
39. Tilt-down from the mausoleum's ceiling to shrine
STORYLINE:
His image graces bank notes, official portraits and textbooks in Iran, often as a black-and-white embodiment of the 1979 Islamic Revolution that swept aside the country's shah and forever changed the nation.
But unlike other countries where political dynasties are familial, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's children and grandchildren have never fully entered politics.
Part of the reason lies with Khomeini's own commandments after becoming Iran's first supreme leader.
The rest likely comes from suspicion in the very system Khomeini set up of his own family's political views, even though his name still carries weight today.
The memory of Khomeini, who died in June 1989 at the age of 86, literally looms large over Tehran today.
His golden-domed mausoleum in south Tehran is one of the first things people see driving into the city from the airport named for him.
"Imam's (Khomeini) most outstanding trait was his battle against (global) arrogance and also reviving Islam and movements of its saints such as Imam Hussein", said Mohammad Bagher Jalalinia, 52, a retired bank employee and Khomeini lover who has come to the shrine along with his wife from the city of Mashhad.
Even the CIA in a 1983 analysis on him acknowledged Iran's revolution could not have happened without him.
His tape-recorded sermons circulated the country in the days leading up to the shah's departure, his calls for support of the poor hitting a populist tone popular among Iran's struggling masses.
His style also fit one of his mantras: "Islam is politics."
"He uses repetition, rhythm, exaggerated images and cutting political jokes to drive his message home and alters his vocabulary - but not his delivery - to show increased emotion", the CIA wrote.
"His monotone exerts a hypnotic effect that is heightened by supporters placed among the audience to lead chanted slogans."
"To be honest, I followed him (Khomeini) for the sake of Islam. I was not seeking any special ambition or social status or money. I followed him because of Islam when Imam (Khomeini) said that Islam was in danger", explained Iraj Khalilzadeh, an 81-year-old shoemaker.
Behesht-e Zahra, Iran's largest cemetery, is next to Khomeini's shrine.
It sprawls over 584 hectares (1443 acres) of land and is home to more than one million and five hundred graves.
Bodies of over 2500 revolutionaries and people who were linked to the 1979 Islamic Revolution are buried here along with other 30,000 victims from the Iran-Iraq war.
But another significance is also attached to this place: when Khomeini returned to Iran on February 1, 1979 from France after spending 15 years in exile, he came here straight from the airport and addressed a massive crowd.
Ten days later the revolution defeated the Shah and overthrew his monarchy.
But despite his success in politics, he insisted his own family not be involved.
Part of that stemmed from the allegations of corruption that surrounded the family of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whose members enriched themselves through government contracts and the public purse.
The shah's family and royal court became known among protesters and the opposition at the time as a "1,000-member" oligarchy.
Khomeini's own mullah father had been killed only months after his birth over his activism targeting wealthy landowners.
"I will that those who are related to me not enter political currents", Khomeini said in 1980 when one of his grandchildren backed Iran's then-embattled liberal President Abolhassan Banisadr.
"I do order you based on shariah not to enter political games."
Khomeini and his wife Khadijeh Saghafi had five children and 15 grandchildren.
His daughter, Zahra Mostafavi, later became prominently politically active, but said in 2006 that her father had told her and other family members: "Do not enter politics while I am alive."
"After his death, we decided not to enter" politics, she said.
However, she would publicly write Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in 2013 to protest the influential President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani being blocked from running in the country's 2013 president election.
Khomeini's family did not stay outside of politics for long, in part due to the changes within Iran.
A growing youth population demanded jobs and had a different political perspective than their parents' generation.
Those demands gave birth to Iran's reformist political movement, which seeks to change Iran's government from within and grant more political freedoms to its people.
Granddaughter Zahra Eshraghi, whose husband Mohammad Reza Khatami was the brother of reformist President Mohammad Khatami and served as deputy parliament speaker, sought to form her own women's group.
Both she and her husband tried to run for parliament in 2004, but was blocked by Iran's Guardian Council, a 12-member panel that vets candidates and routinely rejects those calling for dramatic reform.
The council similarly blocked Ali Eshraghi, another grandson, in 2008.
Meanwhile, one of Khomeini's great-grandchildren has grown increasingly prominent, in part due to his use of Instagram.
Ahmad Khomeini, a 20-year-old Shiite cleric, posts images of himself in both Western attire and the black turban marking him as a direct descendent of the Prophet Muhammad.
He also freely posts images of Khatami, subject of a state-ordered media blackout in Iran, and reformist politician Mir-Hossein Mousavi, who remains under house arrest years after he led Iran's Green Movement following his disputed 2009 election loss to hard-line President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
His father Hassan Khomeini, another of Khomeini's grandsons, was barred by authorities from running for seats on Iran's Assembly of Experts, which can appoint or remove a supreme leader.
But fears about political dynasties persist in Iran.
This January, President Hassan Rouhani described the 1979 Islamic Revolution as being aimed at avoiding having a "son to throne after death of father".
Family members of Iran's current supreme leader Khamenei have taken a low-key approach to public life.
Political analyst Amir Mohebian, who heads a conservative think tank in Tehran, believes both Khomeini's self-imposed ban and the people's anti-monarchy sentiment thwarts the formation of any political dynasties in Iran.
"(Formation of a political dynasty) was always an issue for Imam Khomeini and he was always careful not to let it happen. So he did not allow any of his children and anyone related to him to enter politics, not because the law forbids it but because of their connection with himself."
Yet even today, Khomeini remains a powerful figure in the Iranian mind, including the younger generation who never saw him.
"I wish I were alive and could meet Imam (Khomeini)", said Zahra Ilkaie, 23, who recently visited the mosque attached to the ayatollah's residence, now a tourist attraction in northern Tehran.
"I really feel wistful that I was not around to see him. I feel proud that we have had such a great person in Iran as the Revolution's leader."
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Last Updated : Feb 1, 2019, 6:13 PM IST
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