Almost two-thirds of India still lives in rural areas, and their average per capita monthly expenditure was only Rs 3,773 in 2022-23 according to
the National Statistical Office household expenditure survey. Given the average family size of around 4.4, it translates to a family monthly
expenditure of only Rs 16,600. Even if one adjusts for inflation and their meagre savings till day, broadly speaking, an average rural family's income
is not more than Rs 20,000 per month.
There is no doubt that the Narendra Modi government has made inroads into rural areas through its several ramped-up schemes to build toilets, houses (PM-Awas), drinking water (Har Ghar Nal Se Jal), rural roads, electricity supply, etc., yet the rural population's income levels remain much lower. And within the rural space, the income of agricultural households is even lower.
This clearly shows that the rural economy has not been doing well. A good indicator of it that can be tracked is the growth in real wages in rural areas, which have been largely stagnating or even marginally declined in the second term of the Narendra Modi government.
The agri-GDP in FY24 was just 1.4 per cent according to the latest provisional estimates released by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. The second advance estimate of this was, in fact, only 0.7 per cent. But since the overall GDP growth in FY24 was 8.2 per cent, the euphoria in business circles and media dominated by urban news was that India is in top gear with the highest rate of growth among all large economies of the world, including G20.
There is no doubt about that. But if the agriculture sector is growing at just 1.4 per cent, and it engages 45.8 per cent of the workforce, one can imagine what is happening to the well-being of the masses. Just giving them five kg of free rice or wheat per capita per month is not enough. That's literally a dole.
Instead, what is needed is to raise their real incomes substantially. But how do we do that? And this is a lesson for all the political parties, who want masses to gain from our development process, or make the growth process more inclusive In this context, three things must be remembered. One, there are too many people dependent on agriculture. They need to move to more productive, non-farm jobs. These could be in rural areas to build infrastructure, or outside the rural economy to build urban India.
It would require massive investments in skill formation for high-productivity jobs. They need to be trained for meaningful jobs. Second, within agriculture, the focus needs to shift from basic staples, especially rice, which is in abundant supply, to high-value agriculture such as poultry, fishery, dairy, and fruits and vegetables. High-value agriculture, being perishable, requires fast-moving logistics in a value chain approach, like the AMUL model in the case of milk.
The government needs to chalk out a robust strategy for that. Third, given that climate change already causing extreme weather events (heatwaves or flash floods), India needs to invest heavily in smart agriculture, including agrivoltaics, which means solar as a third crop for farmers, giving them regular monthly income even when other crops fail due to drought or floods.
If these things have to be done right, the nation needed an experienced and wise person to head agriculture and rural development in the Modi
government. In this context, the choice of Shivraj Singh Chouhan as the central minister appears to be a well-thought-out decision.
It is appropriate to recall his contribution to agriculture in Madhya Pradesh. Madhya Pradesh has performed well in the agriculture sector under Shivraj
Singh Chouhan. From 2013-14 to 2022-23, Madhya Pradesh's agriculture sector registered an average growth of 6.1 per cent per annum. This is when the national average was 3.9 per cent for the 10 years.
Madhya Pradesh's transformation in agriculture under Shivraj Singh Chouhan's tenure could be compared to Punjab's success during the Green
Revolution in 1960-70s. Chouhan served Madhya Pradesh as CM from 2005 to 2023, with a 15-month break in between when Congress formed government in the state for a small period after the 2018 Assembly elections.