Chennai: A politically tumultuous year, 2022 saw the fortunes of the ruling DMK remaining stable while that of the principal opposition AIADMK diminishing. In the second year in office, the single most important development in the DMK was the heir apparent, Udhayanidhi Stalin's elevation as a minister. It was a smooth affair. But, the government had its moments of anxiety as the State was rattled by the Coimbatore car blast, which had the footprints of the dreaded Islamic State and the daylight vandalism and ransacking of a private school in Kallakurichi following the death of a girl student.
The AIADMK is in disarray after the split in July with the dominant faction headed by former Chief Minister Edappadi K Palaniswami and the other tiny one by his former deputy O Panneerselvam, working at cross purposes, leaving the cadre directionless. Power was the glue that kept both EPS and OPS together.
After the defeat in the Assembly elections, EPS, driven by the quest to wrest control of the party, got OPS expelled by the General Council. But, the trigger for the split was OPS grabbing one of the two Rajya Sabha seats for his crony, R Dharmar, a little-known functionary in Ramanathapuram district while EPS wanted it for former minister D Jayakumar, a Chennai strongman.
Though EPS had the support of the majority of the party legislators, he caved in to placate OPS but made up his mind to put him in his place. The latter was smarting under the denial of the Leader of the Opposition, which EPS has taken. Unable to stomach this snub, Jayakumar disclosed to the media that the issue of single leadership was discussed at the meeting of district secretaries and legislators.
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For, until the split, the party was run by the dual leadership of OPS and EPS as Coordinator and Joint Coordinator. Now, a legal battle between both factions, claiming legitimacy, is pending before the apex court and the Election Commission. Given the AIADMK's plight, the party's saffron ally is attempting to occupy the opposition space and project it as an alternative to the DMK.
But, the BJP was left to set its own house in order when its state OBC wing general secretary Surya Siva sexually abused and threatened the party's minority wing president Daisy. The leaked audio in November created a furore in the saffron party with the party's Tamil development wing president and actor Gayatri Raghuram charging state president K Annamalai with not taking action and promoting his cronies. While Gayatri was suspended, Siva, son of DMK MP, Tiruchy Siva, had called it quits. Despite being under suspension, Gayatri continues to take on Annamalai.
As the AIADMK is engaged in a fratricidal war, Chief Minister MK Stalin had not faced any serious confrontation from the opposition. And his decision to induct his son into the ministry evoked no resistance. Like his late father and DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi, who bequeathed his political estate to him, MK Stalin has cleared the way for Udhayanidhi to occupy the mantle.
In dynastic succession, Karunanidhi was the trendsetter and what was perfected by him is being followed. Whenever he faced the charge of promoting Stalin, the late patriarch's response was, “DMK is no Sankar Mutt. Myself or any father can do only so much and that, too, within the party. And, it is for the voters to decide who they want in power.” “We will welcome Udhayanidhi's son, too, to lead the party,” is the chorus of many DMK seniors and ministers now, indicating the level of sycophancy.
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This year also witnessed a closure to the more than three decades old Rajiv Gandhi assassination case beginning with the release of AG Perarivalan in May and subsequently, six others viz., Nalini, her husband Murugan, Santhan @ Suthenthiraraja, Jayakumar, Robert Payas and Ravichandran in November. The Supreme Court had set them free under article 142 of the Constitution.
Except for Perarivalan, Ravichandran and Nalini, the others are Sri Lankan nationals. There was euphoria among Dravidian parties, including the AIADMK, with each claiming credit for it. With the exception of the Congress and the BJP political parties have welcomed their release. When Perarivalan called on Stalin to express his gratitude, the Chief Minister embraced and termed him as a brother.
A wake-up call for the government on the law and order and intelligence front was the Coimbatore car blast in October, in which the alleged suicide bomber, Jameesha Mubin (25) also died, which provided fodder for the BJP to mount an attack on the DMK and accuse it of playing minority appeasement and slackness on the part of the state intelligence machinery.
Even before the case was handed over to the NIA, an investigation by the state police had found the footprint of IS and arrested Mubin's associates. The early morning blast, which went off near a temple, had revived the memories of the 1988 serial blasts in the textile city when LK Advani landed there for the Lok Sabha election campaign.
Earlier in July, a private CBSE school near Kallakurichi, run by an RSS functionary, was ransacked, vehicles were burnt and property looted by an angry mob three days after the death of a girl student, allegedly by suicide. How so many hundreds of people could gather there and indulge in arson for hours has left the state police, particularly the intelligence machinery, gaping and bringing them under scrutiny. As a consequence, the government was forced to strengthen state intelligence with additional manpower. Despite these, the DMK government continues to enjoy the goodwill and steps into the new year announcing Rs 1,000 and a gift hamper of groceries for the upcoming Pongal festival for ration card holders.
