Pranab Mukherjee, the perpetual number-2 who went to the top

With former President Pranab Mukherjee passing away, a look back at his journey of ascendancy - from the perpetual Number–2 to Numero Uno. Working behind the scenes away from the glare, had been one of Mukherjee's trademark styles, which had eventually made him a household name in the Congress. He was never the hero, yet the main protagonist, writes ETV Bharat News Coordinator Dipankar Bose.

Hyderabad: If Indira Gandhi is the ultimate female lead in the political celluloid of India, Manmohan Singh one of the most prominent male leads, and PV Narasimha Rao one of the most talked about characters, then Pranab Mukherjee is undoubtedly one of the best producers of the blockbuster.

India's politics today lost one of its able strategists, the country's first Bengali President and with him, the curtains were drawn on an exclusive Congress era.

Mukherjee was the Number-2 of Indira Gandhi. He was the Number-2 of former Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao and had also played the role of Number-2 of Manmohan Singh. Pranab Mukherjee, the perpetual Number–2 of Indian politics.

From a non-descript village in Bengal to becoming the first citizen of the country, Pranab Mukherjee has always been the centre of all discussions. How Mukherjee shed the criticism that he never faced people, yet won from the Jangipur Lok Sabha seat in 2004, which he retained in 2009, is another fascinating tale. Very few remember that Mukherjee had earlier contested the Lok Sabha polls from the Bolpur seat in 1980, but lost to CPI(M)'s Saradish Roy.

But, the quintessential figure of Indian politics for over six decades charted his path from being 'Your Excellency', to a person with a difference. There were differences between Mukherjee as the President and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, but it was the 'Chanakya' of Indian politics who, in spite of being a ceremonial head of the government, created his own space and left his indelible mark on public life -- all while remaining within the limits of the Constitution. It was Mukherjee's journey of ascendancy from the perpetual Number–2 to Numero Uno.

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The uncanny way of working behind the scene, away from the glare, had been one of Mukherjee's trademark styles, which had eventually made him a household name in the Congress. He was never the hero, yet the main protagonist. A man who could take everyone 'on board' – from L K Advani to Lalu Prasad to Prakash Karat. Mukherjee was always a true pluralist, a man of great consensus.

With no political lineage, Pranab Mukherjee, a teacher and a journalist in the early days of his career, created his own space among a very family-driven political setup. His organisational skills, prudence, and damage-control abilities had catapulted him to the close quarters of Indira Gandhi. But, this closeness had also taken its share of flesh from Mukherjee's political career. The defeat in his 1980 political aspiration to enter the Lok Sabha had haunted him for long as he believed that Congress heavyweight ABA Ghani Khan Chowdhury had opposed his candidature. Though the defeat failed to create much rift between the Indira-Pranab equation and Mukherjee took oath as Union Minister of Industrial Development in Indira's cabinet, yet the Pranab-Barkat rift only widened and after the death of Indira Gandhi, Mukherjee fell out with her son, Rajiv.

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From being dropped from Rajiv Gandhi's cabinet after the Congress registered a historic win in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination to being expelled from the party for six years and forming his own party, Mukherjee also had his fair share of difficult years.

Then came his return to the Congress and his meteoric rise. Following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991, Mukherjee was appointed as deputy chairman of the Planning Commission by then Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao, who eventually picked him as a union cabinet minister. Mukherjee served as External Affairs Minister for the first time from 1995 to 1996 in Rao's cabinet.

Mukherjee's political journey witnessed an upward swing as India stepped into the new millenium.

First in 2004, then in January 2009 and again in the summer of 2012, just ahead of the presidential elections, Mukherjee came within kissing distance of the country's top executive's post, but never really sat on the chair. Again the trust factor, the jitters within the Gandhi echelons could be the reasons. Could be, because nobody is on record. At least not the Bengali bhadralok. Neither in public, nor in his book, The Coalition Years.

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Did Mukherjee pose a challenge to Sonia Gandhi's authority over the grand old party in 2004 as he fared lower on the loyalty index than Manmohan Singh? Did Sonia prefer a less 'political' person to the top post?

In 2004, Congress had only 145 seats against BJP's 138 in the Lok Sabha. Depending solely on regional allies, Sonia Gandhi did not opt for a person of political guile and not a mere loyal. Hence, it was Manmohan Singh and not Pranab.

In 2009 when Manmohan Singh underwent a coronary artery bypass surgery and was indisposed for several weeks, Mukherjee again fancied his chances with elections due later that year. Nothing changed.

The Congress high command did not even consider Mukherjee for the union home minister's position in the aftermath of Mumbai terror attacks and the consequent resignation of Shivraj Patil.

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By 2012, the slide of UPA-II was evident and Sonia Gandhi again had to take some firm steps, some course correction to put a break. And that break could have been Mukherjee, who could not only secure a comfortable majority in favour of Manmohan Singh as a presidential candidate, but would have ensured that Narendra Modi did not have a walk in the park. The close connection of Mukherjee with corporate India would have made Modi's path more tough. And he could have ensured that Mamata Banerjee remained with the coalition. The Congress needed a battle-hardened leader to take the fight to Modi's camp, not a scholar. Again nothing happened.

Mukherjee continued to serve under Singh, the very person on whose appointment letter as Governor to the Reserve Bank of India, he had signed. UPA-II crumbled, the same UPA coalition, which a skillful Mukherjee saw through amid the tumultuous moments of a no-confidence motion following the 123 Agreement and the treaty with the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

The fag end of Mukherjee's political career marked his entry in the Raisina Hills where, he was back in his elements.

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Throwing open the gates of Rashtrapati Bhavan for the people to charting out new roads during his visit to neighbouring Bangladesh, Mukherjee was always different. His stance on two issues where he differed with the Modi government - the need to remain tolerant and advise the Centre against frequent legislations by the ordinance route, bears testimony to that difference. So does his visit to the birthplace of Keshav Baliram Hedgewar and the offices of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. As he took to the podium at Nagpur, the smiles on Sonia Gandhi's face steeled.

What exactly he meant when he said, "at the heart of violence is darkness" , is anyone's guess because Mukherjee never explained. Just as it will always remain unexplained about his political realisation of Arun Nehru and ABA Ghani Khan Chowdhury and why Chowdhury sided with Arun, giving him the cold shoulder. Mukherjee never went on record and his personal diary, which could throw some light, will be consigned to the flames according to his wishes, along with his mortal remains.

With Pranab Mukherjee, an era in India's politics comes to an end.