ETV Bharat / bharat
కశ్మీర్లో బలగాల ఉపసంహరణకు కేంద్రం నిర్ణయం
ఆర్టికల్ 370 రద్దు అనంతరం జమ్ముకశ్మీర్లో మోహరించిన దళాల్లో 7వేలకు పైగా సైనికులను తక్షణమే ఉపసంహరించుకుంటునట్టు కేంద్ర హోంమంత్రిత్వ శాఖ తెలిపింది. ఈ మేరకు ప్రకటనను విడుదల చేసింది.
సైన్యం
By
Published : Dec 24, 2019, 11:53 PM IST
జమ్ముకశ్మీర్లోని సైనిక బలగాలపై కేంద్రం కీలక నిర్ణయం తీసుకుంది. దాదాపు 7వేలకు పైగా పారామిలిటరీ దళాలను కశ్మీర్ నుంచి ఉపసంహరించుకుంటున్నట్టు ప్రకటించింది కేంద్ర హోంమంత్రిత్వశాఖ. నేడు జరిగిన భద్రతా సమీక్షలో ఈ నిర్ణయం తీసుకున్నారు అధికారులు. అనంతరం ఉత్తర్వులు జారీ చేసింది హోంశాఖ. ఈ ఆదేశాలు తక్షణమే అమల్లోకి రానున్నట్టు స్పష్టం చేసింది.
ఆర్టికల్ 370రద్దు అనంతరం కశ్మీర్లో మోహరించిన సైనిక బలగాల్లోని.. 72కంపెనీలను ఉపసంహరించుకుంటున్నట్టు కేంద్రం తెలిపింది. సెంట్రల్ రిజర్వ్ పోలీస్ దళాల 24 కంపెనీలు, సరిహద్దు భద్రతా దళం, సెంట్రల్ ఇండస్ట్రియల్ సెక్యూరిటీ దళం, ఇండో-టిబెటన్ బోర్డర్ పోలీస్, సశస్త్ర సీమా బల్ దళాలకు చెందిన కంపెనీలను ఉపసంహరించుకోనున్నారు.
జమ్ముకశ్మీర్కు స్వయం ప్రతిపత్తిని కల్పించే ఆర్టికల్ 370ని రద్దు చేసిన అనంతరం రాష్ట్రంలో ఉద్రిక్త పరిస్థితులు తలెత్తకుండా.. సీఆర్పిఎఫ్, బీఎస్ఎఫ్, ఐటిబీ, సీఐఎస్ఎఫ్, ఎస్ఎస్బీ బలగాలను మోహరించింది కేంద్రం.
ఇదీ చూడండి : గవర్నర్ను కలిసిన సోరెన్.. 29న ప్రమాణస్వీకారం!
జమ్ముకశ్మీర్లోని సైనిక బలగాలపై కేంద్రం కీలక నిర్ణయం తీసుకుంది. దాదాపు 7వేలకు పైగా పారామిలిటరీ దళాలను కశ్మీర్ నుంచి ఉపసంహరించుకుంటున్నట్టు ప్రకటించింది కేంద్ర హోంమంత్రిత్వశాఖ. నేడు జరిగిన భద్రతా సమీక్షలో ఈ నిర్ణయం తీసుకున్నారు అధికారులు. అనంతరం ఉత్తర్వులు జారీ చేసింది హోంశాఖ. ఈ ఆదేశాలు తక్షణమే అమల్లోకి రానున్నట్టు స్పష్టం చేసింది.
ఆర్టికల్ 370రద్దు అనంతరం కశ్మీర్లో మోహరించిన సైనిక బలగాల్లోని.. 72కంపెనీలను ఉపసంహరించుకుంటున్నట్టు కేంద్రం తెలిపింది. సెంట్రల్ రిజర్వ్ పోలీస్ దళాల 24 కంపెనీలు, సరిహద్దు భద్రతా దళం, సెంట్రల్ ఇండస్ట్రియల్ సెక్యూరిటీ దళం, ఇండో-టిబెటన్ బోర్డర్ పోలీస్, సశస్త్ర సీమా బల్ దళాలకు చెందిన కంపెనీలను ఉపసంహరించుకోనున్నారు.
జమ్ముకశ్మీర్కు స్వయం ప్రతిపత్తిని కల్పించే ఆర్టికల్ 370ని రద్దు చేసిన అనంతరం రాష్ట్రంలో ఉద్రిక్త పరిస్థితులు తలెత్తకుండా.. సీఆర్పిఎఫ్, బీఎస్ఎఫ్, ఐటిబీ, సీఐఎస్ఎఫ్, ఎస్ఎస్బీ బలగాలను మోహరించింది కేంద్రం.
ఇదీ చూడండి : గవర్నర్ను కలిసిన సోరెన్.. 29న ప్రమాణస్వీకారం!
RESTRICTION SUMMARY: AP CLIENTS ONLY
SHOTLIST:
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 22 December 2019
1. Ana Paez, part of Mothers of Soacha, relatives of poor men killed by the military and falsely identified as guerrillas, walking to cemetery to place flowers at the tomb of his son
2. Close of tomb stone of son, who was falsely identified as guerrilla, his mother placing flowers in front
3. Paez crying over her son's tomb at cemetery
4. Close of Paez covering her face as she weeps
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 17 December 2019
5. SOUNDBITE (Spanish) Ana Paez, Mothers of Soacha, false positive victim's mother:
"And we have demonstrated that there were more than 10,000 victims, and right now with the unveiling of another mass gave (referring to the recent exhumation of bodies at a cemetery where at least 50 victims related to a notorious military scandal are believed buried) that we found, I want that man (referring to Dario Acevedo, Director of the National Centre for Historical Memory) tell us that if there are no victims. That's why I'm not happy with him, despite him having helped us, or whatnot, I am not happy with him because if he tried to cover up an offence with this, we won't cover it because we won't remain quiet. We must speak out."
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 22 December 2019
6. Paez, part of Mothers of Soacha, relatives of poor men killed by the military and falsely identified as guerrillas, standing near her son's tomb
7. Paez sitting and crying near her son's tomb
8. Paez holding a t-shirt reading (Spanish) "Who gave the order?"
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 17 December 2019
9. SOUNDBITE (Spanish) Ana Paez, part of Mothers of Soacha, relatives of poor men killed by the military and falsely identified as guerrillas:
"He (Dario Acevedo) must represent history, what has happened and what is happening in this nation, or we will get him out. We'll get him out. We will all unite, and just like the national strike will continue, we will get him out because we are determined that if he's not going to respond (to our demands), we'll get him out."
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 10 December 2019
10. People protesting against Dario Acevedo, who was appointed by President Ivan Duque to lead the National Centre for Historical Memory
11. Sign reading (Spanish) "In Bogota, we acknowledge the existence of the armed conflict. And you?"
12. Protesters gathered, one holding a sign reading, "Dario Acevedo: denier and thief of the Colombian historical memory"
13. SOUNDBITE (Spanish) Carlos Oviedo, protester:
"Dario Acevedo, represents, he's practically a thief. He's a thief of the historical memory, he wants to steal it from Colombia with the information, facts and circumstances of what has really been the armed conflict."
14. Man holding sign, reading (Spanish) "Dario Acevedo, denier and thief of the Colombian historical memory."
15. Colombian National Police Riot at protest
16. Protesters gathered, one man waving flag
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 17 December 2019
17. Pan right to empty lot where the Memory Centre will be built
18. Sign with image and information of the museum that is to be built
ASSOCIATED PRESS - AP CLIENTS ONLY
Bogota - 12 December 2019
19. Various of man working on the model of the museum
20. Dario Acevedo sitting for interview
21. SOUNDBITE (Spanish) Dario Acevedo, Director of the National Centre for Historical Memory:
"Everything they're saying against me is because I've thought different from what they think, which they also consider it's fixed, and that it is dogmatic. And I run a state entity that forbids me to produce official truths, because the official truths are typical of a dictatorship, and we are in a democracy."
22. Acevedo during interview
23. SOUNDBITE (Spanish) Dario Acevedo, Director of the National Centre for Historical Memory:
"A museum must have a script, which is that of reflection. We cannot use the museum as platform for mobilization or for making calls for combat, to the fight, to demands, but so that people find there elements that allow them to reflect and to think in which way this type of experience cannot or why it should not be repeated."
24. Worker putting together model of museum building
STORYLINE:
The museum that Colombia has vowed to create in an act of symbolic reparation to an estimated 8.6 million US dollars for conflict victims is getting off to a rocky start.
Dario Acevedo, the man appointed by President Ivan Duque to lead the initiative, is ruffling feathers, angering human rights groups and raising concern about whether Colombia can agree on a common narrative.
At stake is potentially losing the opportunity for the museum to be another instrument to build peace.
Perhaps no group is more baffled by the inability of the Museum of Memory to chart forward with a clear recollection of the conflict than the Mothers of Soacha.
The Mothers of Soacha group includes relatives of poor men killed by the military and falsely identified as guerrillas in one of the conflict's most notorious crimes committed by the state.
Though Acevedo has helped in putting together a book on their experiences, several said they were nonetheless taken aback by his rhetoric.
"He needs to represent history as it is," said Ana Paez, whose 32-year-old son was a victim.
"If he doesn't, we'll remove him."
Acevedo insists the museum will move forward as planned, but time is running against him.
On a vacant grassy lot tucked between several smoggy, boisterous highways lies the property where Colombia's government hopes to build a gigantic museum paying homage to the many victims of the country's long civil conflict.
But for now the terrain, occupied only by a rusted cubic metal sculpture, stands as a glaring reminder of how polarized this South American nation is.
In recent weeks, a public feud over the Museum of Memory and the umbrella institution's controversial director has spilled into headlines and even become a rallying point among demonstrators at opposition protests.
Acevedo is a conservative who in papers, columns and interviews before his naming rejected the idea that Colombia's war constituted an internal armed conflict, a viewpoint victims consider offensive and opposition critics contend is dangerous.
Acevedo has tossed out a draft museum script crafted from five years of research under his predecessor and raised alarm by objecting to including certain pieces of art and text that he dismisses as biased but many others consider fact.
In response, some victim groups are vowing not to work with the historical centre at all.
Rafael Tamayo, a young academic who until recently served as the museum's leader said at stake is potentially losing the opportunity for the museum to be another instrument through which to build peace in Colombia.
The idea to create the Museum of Memory dates back to a 2011 law that vowed to make symbolic reparations to the five-decade conflict's 8.6 million victims by creating a space of documentation and reflection.
The National Centre for Historical Memory, a government institution, was tasked with the gargantuan task.
Throughout the world, a growing number of museums are tackling historically painful topics.
The District Six Museum in South Africa documents the displacement of 60,000 non-white residents during the years of apartheid.
In Argentina, a former army school where dissidents were tortured during the military dictatorship was transformed into a museum and space for human rights groups.
In the US, England and elsewhere museums are shedding new light on the atrocities of slavery.
Colombia's conflict between leftist rebels, the state and paramilitary groups is especially difficult terrain because it lacks a clear start and end.
Though some 10,500 former guerrillas are now living as civilians, deadly skirmishes between remnant illegal armed groups in the countryside persist.
Who should go down in history as a demon and who as a savoir is also a matter of fierce debate.
Were Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia rebels a political guerrilla or should they be remembered primarily as a drug trafficking organization?
Was former President Alvaro Uribe the man who pushed rebels to the verge of extinction – or the one who opened a new chapter of conflict by inciting paramilitary violence?
The debate comes at a time when Colombians are taking to the streets to protest long simmering tensions over inequality, corruption and what many perceive as Duque's lacklustre implementation of the peace deal.
Though demonstrations have focused mostly on the unpopular president, in recent weeks protesters have also turned their attention to Acevedo, decrying him as a henchman for the ruling conservative political party intent on masking the state's role in crimes committed during the conflict.
"He's a thief," said Carlos Oviedo, 36, who held a sign railing against Acevedo at a protest on smoggy, traffic-filled street.
"A thief of our historical memory."
The appointment of Acevedo to lead the National Centre for Historical Memory was controversial from the moment it was announced in February.
Eighty-nine victim organizations penned a letter to Duque urging him to reconsider.
Several threatened to remove boxes of archival material they contributed from the centre's vaults.
Even Acevedo's history professor colleagues expressed their unabashed revolt.
"We are surprised that you, who openly denies the existence of an armed conflict, has accepted directing a state entity whose central purpose is to recognize it," the entire history staff at the National University of Colombia wrote in a letter.
By most definitions, an armed conflict is a dispute between a state and a violent actor over territorial jurisdiction or government control.
While the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross and by law, Colombia's government, recognize the nation's internal warfare as an armed conflict, there is a conservative minority who does not agree with that definition.
Instead, they believe rebels constituted a terrorist threat against the state.
This, for some, is a dangerous perception, as it could potentially excuse the state from certain crimes.
In an interview with El Colombiano newspaper, Acevedo said that while the law describes what happened as an armed conflict, "that cannot become the official version."
He reiterated that assertion in an interview with The Associated Press, stating, "I'm not saying that it's incorrect, I'm saying it can't be assumed as a dogma."
But seated from his office overlooking a green park on a quiet morning, Acevedo insisted his personal viewpoints have not obscured his role as director to ensure that all victims are represented.
He said the words "armed conflict" will appear in the museum and noted that he is at work on several projects involving relatives of those killed by soldiers and paramilitaries.
"The museum shouldn't be of the right, or the left, or the centre," he said.
But detractors say his actions speak otherwise.
The feuds with his staff began with the launch of a travelling exhibit meant to test a script developed over five years of research by museum and pedagogy experts who travelled throughout Colombia to meet with victims.
The narrative offered three themes: Water, body and land.
In each section, visitors would learn about massacres, forced displacement, drug trafficking and other ills that wrought havoc during the conflict through the prism of the conflict's impact on life from land to sea.
For Acevedo, the script was too metaphorical. He thought it focused too heavily on social inequality as a cause of the conflict, he said, even though that is a widely recognized instigator of the country's repetitive cycle of violence.
Acevedo hasn't proposed an alternative yet, but expects the new script will be much more direct – which worries some, like Tamayo, who fear an overarching narrative exploring the many complexities will be lost in the process.
The dispute over the museum script turned out just to be the tip of an iceberg.
In the humid city of Villavicencio, Acevedo objected to including a piece of art that depicted members of a leftist political party whose members were gunned down to the point of extermination because it also included two prominent rebel leaders.
Later, at the border in Cucuta, Acevedo objected not just to a text, but also to a flag meant to symbolize Colombia-Venezuela unity.
Tensions between both countries were running high, and he said he did not feel it was an appropriate moment for the piece.
Meanwhile, victim groups have watched on in distress, with at least one formally refusing to renew a cooperation agreement.
Diana Sanchez, director of the MINGA Association working with peasants and social leaders, said non-profits groups like her were already hesitant to work with a government institution and that now trust has further eroded.
Meanwhile, Ana Paez points to the finding of a mass grave. Earlier this month, investigators in Colombia said they had begun the exhumation of the bodies at a cemetery where at least 50 victims related to a notorious "false-positives" military scandal are believed buried.
"I want that man (referring to Acevedo) tell us that if there are no victims," she said.
Tamayo – who Acevedo let go after he offered his resignation – wonders if the museum will open at all, not because it is too soon to tell the conflict's tale, but because organizers cannot yet agree on the narrative.
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